A Doll Called Friendship in a Segregated City

When a Japanese “Friendship Doll” visited Wheeling in 1928, Black students from Lincoln School welcomed her with a program of international goodwill. Yet the American campaign that inspired the exchange had deliberately excluded Black dolls—and therefore Black children—from the image of America it sent abroad. One extraordinary photograph allows us to examine both stories at once.
At first glance, the photograph is charming.
Two African American girls stand on a Chapline Street sidewalk in Wheeling. Between them is an elaborately dressed Japanese doll, nearly three feet tall, wearing a silk kimono with long, ornamented sleeves. An automobile is parked beside them. Behind the girls, a sign identifies North Side Drugs. Farther in the distance, the familiar bell tower of the old Lincoln School rises above the neighborhood.
The photograph was taken in 1928, but it does not feel remote. The girls look directly into the camera, composed and dignified. The doll stretches her arms outward between them, almost as if joining hands with her young hosts.
Without context, the image might appear to be a simple souvenir of childhood.
It is much more.
The photograph captures Black girls from segregated Wheeling participating in an international peace initiative at the height of the Jim Crow era. It documents a Japanese cultural ambassador being welcomed by children whose own country separated them by race. It also reveals a painful irony hidden inside the original Friendship Doll campaign: the American organizers had deliberately chosen white dolls to represent American girlhood abroad.
Black dolls were excluded.
Black girls, however, stood ready to offer the visiting Japanese doll a welcome.
An International Crisis Reduced to the Size of a Doll
The Friendship Doll project emerged during a period of deteriorating relations between the United States and Japan.

Anti-Japanese prejudice had been intensifying in the United States, particularly along the West Coast. Japanese immigrants confronted discriminatory laws, restrictions on property ownership and campaigns portraying them as an economic, racial and cultural threat.
The Immigration Act of 1924—sometimes called the Asian Exclusion Act—effectively prohibited immigration from Japan and other parts of Asia. The law was deeply insulting to Japan and contributed to a growing atmosphere of suspicion between the two nations.
The Reverend Sidney Lewis Gulick, an American missionary and educator who had lived in Japan, believed that children could succeed where politicians had failed. Working through the Committee on World Friendship Among Children, Gulick developed a campaign in which American children would send dolls to Japanese children as expressions of peace and goodwill.
Churches, schools, Sunday schools, Girl Scout troops, Camp Fire Girls and other youth organizations raised money and collected dolls.
The dolls received names, clothing, passports and tickets for their voyage. Children wrote letters to accompany them. Farewell ceremonies were held across the country before the dolls began their journey across the Pacific.
Approximately 12,000 American dolls ultimately traveled to Japan in 1927. They arrived in time to participate in Hinamatsuri, the traditional Japanese Doll Festival.
The project was warmly received.
In response, Japanese children and civic leaders raised funds to create 58 extraordinary dolls representing Japan, its principal cities, prefectures and territories. These were not ordinary children’s toys. They were finely crafted cultural ambassadors, made by respected Japanese doll makers and dressed in elaborate silk kimono. They traveled with passports, steamship tickets, letters, tea implements, lacquered furnishings and other miniature possessions.
They arrived in the United States late in 1927.
After ceremonies in San Francisco, Washington and New York, the dolls began touring the country. Over the following months, they visited hundreds of American communities, carrying a message of friendship from the children of Japan to the children of the United States.
One of them came to Wheeling.
“A Messenger of Good Will”
On May 19, 1928, The Wheeling Register announced the doll’s presence in the city under the modest headline “Japanese Doll Here in Window Display.”

The newspaper reported that a “valuable Japanese doll” was being exhibited in the Main Street window of Stone & Thomas—or, according to another contemporary Wheeling account, Stifel’s. The doll was described as a messenger of goodwill from the children of Japan and as an acknowledgment of the American dolls sent to Japan the previous year.
The newspaper called the visitor “Miss Mayagi,” an apparent misspelling of Miss Miyagi.
The article then added the detail that makes Wheeling’s experience especially significant:
“Lincoln Grade School Girl Reserves will have a program at the Blue Triangle Center Saturday afternoon at 3 o’clock—‘A Welcome to Miss Mayagi.’”
The Japanese ambassador was not welcomed only by diplomats, museum officials or Wheeling’s white social establishment.
She was welcomed by Black schoolgirls from Lincoln.
Additional records preserved in the Blue Triangle collection at the Ohio County Public Library provide a little more detail. A report covering April 20 through May 18 announced that the grade-school clubs would close their season with the special visit of the Japanese doll.
The next report recorded that the grade-school clubs had enjoyed “a fine visit” with the doll. Clubs from Beech Bottom and Triadelphia also participated, and 98 ice cream cones were served.
That last detail is wonderfully ordinary.
International diplomacy had arrived in Wheeling wearing a silk kimono, but for the children gathered at the Blue Triangle Center, the afternoon also included the familiar pleasure of ice cream.
The Girls Who Offered the Welcome
The photograph preserves two of the young participants, although their names have not yet been identified.

They were members of the Blue Triangle Branch of the Young Women’s Christian Association. The Blue Triangle served Wheeling’s African American girls and women because the broader YWCA operated within the racial conventions of segregated America.
The girls also appear to have been connected to Lincoln School, Wheeling’s segregated public school for African American children.
By 1928, Lincoln represented more than six decades of Black educational history in the city. Wheeling’s Board of Education had established a tax-supported public school for African American children in the fall of 1866. John W. West became its first teacher. The school grew from those Reconstruction-era beginnings into the institution later known as Lincoln School.
The old Lincoln building appears in the right background of the photograph.
That detail transforms the image.
The doll stands in front of the very institution that embodied both Black educational accomplishment and the enforced racial separation of Wheeling’s children. Lincoln was a source of community pride, achievement and belonging. It was also a school made necessary by a system that refused to educate Black and white children together.
The Japanese doll had traveled thousands of miles to encourage friendship across national and cultural boundaries. Yet the American girls standing beside her were still separated from other American children by law, policy and custom.
The Neighborhood Inside the Photograph
The location adds another layer of meaning.



The girls and the doll are standing outside North Side Drugs on Chapline Street. The business was associated with James “Doc” White, a white pharmacist remembered as a mentor, benefactor and friend to Wheeling’s African American community.
The scene therefore contains several overlapping histories.
There is the international history of the United States and Japan.
There is the national history of immigration exclusion and Jim Crow segregation.
There is the institutional history of Lincoln School and the Blue Triangle YWCA.
There is also the neighborhood history of Chapline Street, where Black residents created a thriving community of homes, churches, businesses, schools and civic organizations despite the restrictions placed upon them.
Even the automobile beside the girls contributes to the scene. The photograph does not show an imaginary or isolated “Black past.” It shows children living in a modern American city during the late 1920s—participating in youth organizations, following international events and encountering a cultural artifact that had traveled around the world.
The girls were segregated, but they were not disconnected from the world.
The Doll with More Than One Name
For decades, the doll’s exact identity remained a mystery.

The Wheeling newspapers called her Miss Mayagi. Blue Triangle reports used variations such as Miss Myagi. These were almost certainly attempts to identify her as Miss Miyagi, representing Japan’s Miyagi Prefecture.
Later research complicated the story.
In 2019, Japanese doll historian Alan Scott Pate contacted the Ohio County Public Library Archives after seeing the Wheeling photograph. He was attempting to trace the journeys and identities of the surviving Friendship Dolls.
The dolls had traveled in groups before being separated into smaller tours. Their accessories, passports and nameplates were sometimes stored or transported independently. During repeated packing and unpacking, dolls could be reunited with the wrong stands or documentation.
As a result, numerous Friendship Dolls were misidentified.
Pate concluded that the doll photographed in Wheeling was connected to the doll long known as Miss Tottori, now held in South Dakota. The historical identity of that doll has itself been the subject of later correction and discussion involving Miss Miyagi.
The confusion has become part of the doll’s history. “Miss Tottori” is the name under which she has long been preserved, even as researchers continue reconstructing her original identity and complicated travels.
Another mystery remains.
The doll officially intended for West Virginia, Miss Tochigi, is among the missing dolls. We still do not know precisely why the doll photographed in Wheeling traveled through the city, how long she remained or who determined that the Blue Triangle and Lincoln pupils would receive her.
Those unanswered questions make the surviving photograph even more important.
Friendship—and the America Chosen to Represent It
The traditional account of the Friendship Doll exchange is inspiring.

Children raised money. They wrote letters. They dressed dolls for travel. Japanese artists produced remarkable cultural ambassadors. Communities separated by an ocean attempted to see one another with curiosity rather than fear.
Those acts of goodwill were real.
But they were not the whole story.
Recent scholarship has forced historians to examine whom the American project considered eligible to represent the United States.
Organizers asked for dolls that appeared to be “attractive and typical American girls.” In practice, that meant white dolls. Many had blond hair and blue eyes, leading the Japanese public to call them the “blue-eyed dolls.”
Archival evidence examined by scholars shows that the Committee on World Friendship Among Children explicitly decided against sending Black dolls to Japan.
The stated concern was that dolls of color might offend Japanese recipients. Yet researchers have found little evidence that this reflected an actual Japanese demand. The decision appears to reveal far more about the racial assumptions of the American organizers.
America wanted to send Japan a lesson about tolerance while presenting whiteness as the face of the nation.
The country’s Black children were invited to support a message of friendship that did not fully include them.
Friendship Without Equality
The Friendship Doll exchange was not an isolated experiment. It was part of a larger series of projects organized by the Committee on World Friendship Among Children.

After sending dolls to Japan, the Committee sponsored campaigns involving schoolbags for Mexico, “treasure chests” for children in the American-occupied Philippines and Puerto Rico, and friendship albums for China. American children were encouraged to raise money, prepare the objects and attach personal messages before the materials were sent abroad.
These projects created genuine moments of connection. Children exchanged letters, learned about distant places and discovered that young people in other countries had families, schools, games and aspirations of their own.
But the exchanges also carried a less innocent message.
The United States usually appeared as the organized, prosperous and generous giver. The receiving country appeared as grateful, needy or developmentally behind. Friendship was therefore presented less as a relationship between equals than as an act of American instruction and benevolence.
Historian Katie Day Good offers a particularly useful way to understand this tension: the vocabulary of friendship permitted Americans to speak about goodwill without confronting equality.
That distinction matters enormously.
A person can offer kindness while still assuming superiority. A nation can send gifts while continuing to restrict the people receiving them. An organization can praise international understanding while excluding Black children from the image of America it presents to the world.
The American dolls were even described as “models” for a Japan whose customs were supposedly undergoing modernization. Their new clothing, orderly travel documents and carefully arranged possessions communicated more than childhood affection. They carried an implied lesson about American modernity, abundance and advancement.
The insistence that these representatives resemble “typical American girls”—and therefore be white—made the racial meaning of that lesson unmistakable.
Japan Answers Back
Japan’s 58 return dolls should therefore be understood as more than elaborate thank-you gifts.

They were a response.
The dolls’ extraordinary craftsmanship, silk kimono, miniature furnishings, passports, travel documents and carefully organized delegations demonstrated Japan’s artistry, wealth, educational organization and cultural sophistication.
Japanese organizers used the same language of doll diplomacy to correct American misconceptions. Their message was gentle but unmistakable: Japan was not a primitive or dependent nation waiting to be instructed by the United States. It was a modern country capable of speaking for itself and reciprocating on a grand scale.
The Japanese dolls transformed a one-directional American gesture into an exchange.
That makes the Wheeling photograph even more compelling. The Japanese doll standing on Chapline Street represented a nation asserting its dignity and equality before the United States. The two Black girls standing beside her belonged to a community still denied equality within that same United States.
Japan had answered American paternalism by sending an ambassador of its own.
Wheeling’s Black children welcomed that ambassador from inside segregated institutions.
The photograph therefore records more than friendship between children. It captures three unequal positions within the racial and political order of 1928: an America presenting itself as the benevolent world leader, a Japan insisting upon recognition as a modern equal, and Black Americans still fighting to be recognized as full members of the nation claiming to speak for them.
The word “friendship” connected everyone in the picture.
Equality did not.
The Most Painful Irony in the Photograph
That history makes the Wheeling image both more beautiful and more troubling.

The American campaign had excluded Black dolls from its international delegation. Yet when a Japanese doll arrived in Wheeling, Black girls welcomed her.
The children standing on Chapline Street belonged to the very group that the project had declined to represent abroad.
A white doll could cross the Pacific as a “typical American girl.” A Japanese doll could cross the Pacific and be celebrated as an honored ambassador. But a Black child in Wheeling still attended a racially separate school and participated in a racially separate branch of the YWCA.
The United States was attempting to teach international friendship while refusing full fellowship among its own children.
That contradiction was not incidental. It was built into the program.
The Immigration Act of 1924 treated Japanese people as racially ineligible for admission to the United States. The doll exchange attempted to soften the hostility created by that exclusion without directly overturning the law.
At the same time, Jim Crow institutions continued separating Black Americans from white Americans. The friendship project similarly offered symbolic goodwill without confronting the racial order at home.
The dolls could travel where people could not.
They could enter countries that barred immigrants. They could appear in schools whose pupils were segregated. They could be welcomed as representatives of cultural difference so long as the inequalities surrounding them remained largely undisturbed.
Friendship Was Real—but Incomplete
Recognizing these contradictions does not require us to dismiss the entire project as fraudulent.
The children who raised money, wrote letters and attended the ceremonies may have sincerely desired friendship. Japanese children who sent their carefully crafted ambassadors across the ocean invested real hope in the exchange. Reverend Gulick genuinely believed that familiarity among children could help prevent future war.
The Black girls in Wheeling were also more than props in someone else’s ceremony.
Their participation placed them inside an international story from which the project’s racial assumptions had attempted to exclude them. Their welcome enacted a generosity broader than the program’s original definition of American girlhood.
We should be careful not to imagine exactly what they thought. The photograph cannot tell us whether they were excited, nervous, proud or simply concentrating on remaining still for the camera.
But it does tell us that they were present.
They touched the visiting doll. They participated in the program. They represented Lincoln School and the Blue Triangle. They became part of an international cultural exchange, even though the official image America sent abroad had not included girls like them.
Their presence quietly challenged that exclusion.
A Ceremony Inside a Segregated Institution
The location of the welcome also deserves attention.
The Blue Triangle was not simply a convenient meeting hall. It existed because Black women and girls were not treated equally within the larger YWCA structure.
This created another paradox.
A program dedicated to overcoming cultural prejudice was hosted for Black children within a segregated organization.
Contemporary records indicate that clubs from Beech Bottom and Triadelphia participated in the gathering. That raises intriguing questions. Were Black and white girls present together?
Did they participate equally?
Were activities conducted jointly or separated within the same program?
The surviving report does not provide enough information to answer those questions conclusively.
Historical integrity requires us to resist turning a suggestive fact into a proven one. We can say that the clubs participated in the event. We cannot yet say precisely how the children interacted.
Even so, the possibility makes the Blue Triangle gathering an important subject for additional research. It may have provided one of the unusual spaces in 1928 Wheeling where children from different communities encountered one another through an international program.
The Limits of Childhood Diplomacy
The Friendship Dolls did not prevent war.
Fourteen years after the exchange, Japan attacked Pearl Harbor. The United States and Japan entered a devastating conflict.
In the United States, Japanese Americans—including American citizens—were forcibly removed from their homes and incarcerated in camps. In Japan, many of the American dolls were denounced as symbols of the enemy. Some were destroyed in public ceremonies.
Others survived only because individuals secretly hid and protected them.
The dolls that had once embodied peace became politically dangerous.
The failure of the exchange does not mean that its hopes were meaningless. It demonstrates the limits of symbolism when law, racial ideology and political power move in the opposite direction.
Children could exchange dolls, but they could not repeal exclusionary immigration laws.
They could sing about friendship, but they could not dismantle Jim Crow.
They could write letters across the Pacific, but they could not prevent governments from preparing for war.
Symbols can encourage human connection. They cannot substitute for justice.
What the Photograph Adds to the National Story
The Wheeling photograph deserves a significant place in the history of the Friendship Doll exchange because it complicates the usual narrative.
Many surviving photographs show formal ceremonies, prominent officials, museum displays and groups of white American children welcoming Japanese dolls.
This photograph shows something different.
It places the doll in a Black neighborhood. It shows her with Black girls. It includes a segregated Black school in the background and a business associated with an ally of the African American community.
It documents participation by people whom the national campaign had rendered nearly invisible.
Alan Scott Pate has observed that, apart from scattered references to African American communities contributing to the original doll project, there is little evidence of the Japanese dolls touring Black communities in 1928.
That makes Wheeling’s photograph unusually valuable.
The image is not merely local evidence of a national program. It may be rare national evidence of Black children directly receiving one of Japan’s doll ambassadors.
Reading the Image Differently
Once we know the complete history, every element in the photograph changes.
The doll’s outstretched arms no longer represent uncomplicated friendship. They connect two girls whose nation did not consider their likeness appropriate for representing America abroad.
Lincoln School’s bell tower is no longer simply architectural scenery. It symbolizes a Black community’s achievement in education and the injustice of the segregation under which that achievement occurred.
The Blue Triangle affiliation is no longer a minor organizational detail. It reveals that even institutions dedicated to Christian fellowship and women’s development accommodated racial separation.
North Side Drugs is no longer merely a storefront. It represents the network of neighborhood relationships and alliances that sustained Wheeling’s Black community.
Most importantly, the girls are no longer anonymous attendants standing beside someone else’s artifact.
They are witnesses.
They stand at the intersection of international idealism and domestic inequality. They help us see that the history of peace movements cannot be separated from the history of race.
Two Stories Held in One Frame
The Japanese Friendship Doll project contains two competing stories.
One is the story its organizers wanted the world to see: children overcoming prejudice, exchanging gifts and building peace across national borders.
The other is the story visible only when we examine who was included, who was excluded and where the ceremonies occurred: a nation preaching international understanding while defining the “typical American girl” as white and maintaining segregated institutions for Black children.
Both stories are true.
The project expressed sincere hope. It also reproduced racial hierarchy.
The Wheeling photograph holds those truths together without resolving them.
Two Black girls stand beside a Japanese ambassador of goodwill. Behind them rises the school their community built into a center of learning and pride. Around them remains the architecture of segregation.
Their names may be lost to us, but their presence supplies something the official Friendship Doll narrative lacked: a fuller image of America.
Nearly a century later, the most important lesson of the photograph may be that friendship cannot be selective.
Peace across oceans means little if we tolerate injustice across a street.
Goodwill becomes meaningful only when the people offering it are willing to see every child—not merely the children who fit a preferred image of the nation—as fully belonging.
The doll came to Wheeling carrying a message of friendship.
The two girls who welcomed her gave that message a depth its creators may never have anticipated.
-T
Sources and Further Reading
Japanese Friendship Dolls of 1927, “About—An Unlikely Mission”:https://www.japanesefriendshipdolls.com/about
Katie Day Good, “‘Messengers of Goodwill’: America’s Tokens of Friendship and Power,” The MIT Press Reader, July 28, 2020. Adapted from Bring the World to the Child: Technologies of Global Citizenship in American Education:
https://thereader.mitpress.mit.edu/americas-tokens-of-friendship-and-power/
Seán Duffy, “Miss Totorri in Wheeling: The Japanese Friendship Dolls of 1927,” Ohio County Public Library, May 30, 2023:https://www.ohiocountylibrary.org/blog/miss-totorri-in-wheeling-the-japanese-friendship-dolls-of-1927/47
Seán Duffy, “Miss Totorri in Wheeling,” Archiving Wheeling, May 30, 2023:https://www.archivingwheeling.org/blog/miss-totorri-in-wheeling
Elena Tajima Creef, “Looking for Stories and Context for a Photo of My Grandfather and the Blue-Eyed Dolls of 1927,” Trans Asia Photography, Vol. 14, No. 2, November 2024:https://read.dukeupress.edu/trans-asia-photography/article/doi/10.1215/21582025-11806949/403746
Erica Kanesaka Kalnay, “Yellow Peril, Oriental Plaything: Asian Exclusion and the 1927 U.S.-Japan Doll Exchange,” Journal of Asian American Studies, Vol. 23, No. 1, 2020.
Rui Kohiyama, “The 1927 Exchange Friendship Dolls: U.S.-Japan Cultural Diplomacy in the Inter-War Years,” Diplomatic History, Vol. 43, No. 2, 2019.
Alan Scott Pate, Art as Ambassador: The Japanese Friendship Dolls of 1927, 2016.
“Japanese Doll Here in Window Display,” The Wheeling Register, May 19, 1928, p. 11. Archival newspaper page supplied to the Foundation.
Blue Triangle Branch of the Wheeling YWCA, Girl Reserve reports, April-June 1928, Ohio County Public Library Archives.
Ohio County Public Library Archives, “Looking North on Chapline Street, 1928,” photograph showing two Blue Triangle members with the Japanese Friendship Doll:https://www.flickr.com/photos/ohiocountypubliclibrary/32789621485/
Image Caption
A friendship offered inside a segregated city: Two members of the Blue Triangle Branch of the Wheeling YWCA pose with the Japanese Friendship Doll known locally as “Miss Mayagi” in 1928. North Side Drugs appears behind them, while the bell tower of the old Lincoln School can be seen in the distance at right. The photograph is particularly significant because relatively little documentation has been found of the Japanese Friendship Dolls visiting African American communities. Courtesy of the Ohio County Public Library Archives.

